Conflicts In The Caucasus

Olga Vassilieva

 

 

Introduction
Causes
Main Conflicts
Current Situation

Perspectives

Ethnic Map of the Caucasus

 




 

                                                                                                    Perspectives

Background Photo: K.Lapin 1997

 

A few will argue that peace in the Caucasus can be achieved only by the participation of Caucasians in its support. External forces and peacemaking are able to stop a military stage of conflict but not to resolve it. Moreover, external intervention can aggravate conflict in future because it supports mutual suspicions in using the external forces in advantages of an opposite side. The importance of cooperative movements for conflict control and peace management is recognized by almost everybody in the Caucasus. The common, Caucasian identity along with socio-economic reasons could create as a basis for integration. At the same time, more than the ten-year experience has revealed a little progress in the question how common identity can promote the cooperation in the region.

The development of regional organizations is complicated by the different expectations of all possible participants and the lack of mutual trust caused not only by deep contradictions between Caucasian peoples but also by ill-elaborated activity of external factors. Realization of any model of the regional, and especially - the Caucasian, community requires essential self-limitation from every participant and laborious search of a compromise, to which Caucasian politicians seem not to be ready. Caucasian historians have treated the common history different ways and promoted negative images of neighboring peoples. Socio-economic situation in the region remains a hard. In such conditions, policy of international community towards conflict settlement in the Caucasus and the Caucasian integration become of great importance.

Historically, external factors have significantly influenced the stability and common identity in the Caucasus. It was the Russian invasion that promoted regional solidarity in the XIX and at the end of the XX century. At the same time, the competition of different external factors (Turkey and Iran, Russia and Turkey) promoted the division of the Caucasus during the centuries.

The disintegration of the Soviet Union, after two centuries of the Russian domination, led to the involvement different external factors into the regional affairs, first of all - neighboring Turkey and Iran. Besides, it put forward a question about the role of Russian in the region. Can Russia be considered an external or internal factor in the Caucasus, remains an actual question. Politically and geographically the North Caucasus, but not the Transcaucasus, is a part of the Russian Federation. The actions undertaken by North-Caucasian peoples (the participation in Abkhasian-Georgian and Georgian-Ossetian conflicts) have led to often acquisitions of Russian intervention into the affairs of independent states. Russian military forces often involved not only interethnic conflict but also inter-political struggle in the Transcaucasian states (e.g., Georgia in 1992). The leaders of Transcaucasian states, in turn, involved in direct negotiations with political elites of North Caucasian autonomies of Russia.

The relationships among neighboring countries and peoples, which became "foreign" in 1991, had had a long history within the boundaries of a unified state - first the Russian Empire, and afterwards the Soviet Union. These relations are to a great extent defined by common historical experiences, the impact of traditional values, ethnical ties between peoples of the North Caucasus and Transcaucasus (Abkhazs and Adygs, Ossetians, Avars, Lezgins, etc.), the popular myths, the self-images and the stereotypes, and even personal contacts among the members of the Communist Party Central Committee Politburo (Eltsin, Shevardnadze and Aliev). All these factors has defined modern “foreign” policy not only Russia but also former Soviet Republics in the Caucasus.

Western countries that had abstained from active involvement in the regional affairs began to reveal some interests in the region - from peacebuilding in conflict zones to oil potential of the region. The West  has no negative image among peoples in the Caucasus (because of its traditional remoteness). It could promote peace in the region. However, the West has no unique approach to such issues of international relations as policy towards weak states, the contradiction between the rights for self-determination and inviolability of borders and others.

The multiplication of external factors and a lack of the coordination among them can provoke additional grievance, suspicions and complicate the consent among local politicians. All Caucasian peoples have different expectations from external intervention: ones talked about the right on the self-determination, others - about inviolable borders. Georgian and Azerbaijan governments are seeking for external support to restore the control over rebellious autonomies. Autonomies, in turn, hope on the recognition of their independent status, since the legacy of newly independent states are based only on the empire past in the czarist Russia and the Soviet Union. Peacekeeping potential of international organizations is also restricted in most conflict zones. Some participants of conflict welcome international cooperation in a conflict settlement, their opponents reject international intervention.

Explaining why outsider powers should care about ethnic war, even though these wars do not create direct threats to the strategic interests, Michael Brown defined several reasons. Ethnic wars “poses a direct challenge to important international norms of behavior,” they create “chain reaction effects,” and problems of refugees are among them. International community, not only neighboring states, might be interested in a policy promoting peace in the Caucasus. Support to the integrating efforts can be one of the main applications of such policy.

Countries involved in the Caucasian affairs (the West, Russia, Turkey and Iran) should coordinate their political and economic activities and avoid fostering competition among the Caucasian elites. The cooperative efforts are in need of the technological and information support about experiences and best practices in resolving arising problems and tensions. Considering the necessity of multi-level integration, support of non-governmental sector networks might be an essential element of international assistantship.

           During this decade, the political elites in the autonomies of the North Caucasus began moving towards consociational forms of democracy. For many reasons, however, this tendency is weak and controversial. The governments need special expertise and help on the development of consociational democracy in developing (poor) countries. This expertise might have implementation in many other regions. The idea of all-Caucasian integration, arising difficulties and successes should be discussed widely during international conferences on the regional problems. At the same time, local politicians and political scientists should get an opportunity to study the world experience on relevant issues.

Obviously, however, that the Caucasian integration will be demand several decades or even more. But this approach for peace development in this region has no alternatives.